Women Before And After The Iranian Revolution Cultural Studies Essay

Women Before And After The Iranian Revolution Cultural Studies Essay Current Iranian women must adhere to strictures of dress and regulation, including the veil (hijab) and full body covering (chador). Yet this was not always the case. Prior to the Iranian revolution the Shah began modernising the state of Iran and introducing womans rights. However, many religious factions strongly disagreed with what they saw as a violation of Islamic culture. When the Islamic Republic took over the monarch in 1979, they began to abolish the changes made to womens rights. This essay hopes to explain how education has contributed to the awareness of many urban Iranian women to their oppressive state. It will explain Iranian women both pre and post Iranian revolution and will draw upon the different viewpoints Iranian women have of Islam to emphasise the current state of Iranian society. Finally it will touch upon the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and discuss how scholars of gender view the topic of Iranian Woman. As noted by Elton Daniels, in Iran, strict cultural rules and religious regulations dictate and govern the actions of Iranian woman in the public arena. This is because Iranian women, especially married women, are seen as upholding the honour of a family; therefore, individual desires are often sacrificed to centre the husband and children as primary responsibility. The Islamic Republic takes this role seriously and to ensure that women do uphold family honour, Iranian women must be chaperoned by their husbands or male relatives at all times, lone women are either fined or imprisoned. Women are seen as the guardians of Irans moral code and therefore there is much less freedom allowed to them and they must be constantly monitoring their public behaviour. Many urban Iranian women feel themselves restricted by oppressive attitudes and blamed for any misfortune that befalls Irans patriarchal society. This tension is developing mainly in urban womens circles and is likely due to the incre ase of educated women who are becoming progressively aware of their situation. According to Daniels, in a bid to open itself up to the rest of the world during the 1930s (Pre-Iranian revolution), Iran was becoming an increasingly modernised state, therefore relaxing the religious and social strictures that bound and alienated Iranian women. More schools and higher forms of education and governmental employment (especially in hospitals and schools) were being introduced to urban women and even after the Islamic Republic took over, they could not quell the growing education of women. Urbanisation and the expansion of education offered women, mostly urban women, the opportunity to send their daughters to school. In 1936, the chador was banned in public places, which provided the change that was necessary for encouraging women to participate openly in public life. Political developments began to follow, including that of the White Revolution (1963), in which an act was passed that allowed Iranian women to participate politically. Furthermore, in the years between t he White Revolution and the Iranian Revolution, several women were elected to the parliament and ministry of education. However, there was unrest between the growing modernising ideologies and the more traditional rural Islamic views. The Shah was ruling autocratically and had alienated many sectors of society; this eventually leading to his overthrow. The bourgeois continued to feel restricted by the lack of career and intellectual opportunities available to them and the religious sectors of Iran ruled by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini began to accuse the Shah of a corruption and distilling Islamic beliefs. The unhappiness that Iranians felt against the Shah led to a religious revival among Iranian society and the destruction of the modernisation of Iranian culture. During revolt against the Shah, secular urban women and tradition rural women worked together to protest absolute monarchy and many urban women donned the Chador out of respect for the traditional women. Yet, when the Iranian Revolution (1979) proved successful, and Islamic Republic took over as the existing form of government, the budding rights and freedoms for women were smothered. Khomeini decreed that wearing the Chador was now law; many women lost their government jobs and it also became mandatory to segregate both males and females in the public arena. Morality police were put in place to ensure that such laws were stuck to. This marked a significant change for Iranian culture because before the Iranian revolution Islamic modesty was adhered to as religious sympathy, never before had such commands been made law. The current attitudes faced by many urban Iranian women are dictated by the edicts put in place post- Iranian Revolution. Many urban Women feel stifled by these laws and still remember a time when their life was not mandated. Although there have been cases of women receiving political seat between 1979 and 2011, many of those women were set up to appease the feminist movement and have no power within the government. Realising this, an increased number of Iranian women deploy secular feminist movements such as protesting their grievances through public mediums like the media and press, and civil insubordination. For example, deliberate improper wearing of the veil and Chador is practised by many young Iranian Women and is called bad hejabi. Bad hejabi consists of wearing the veil differently than society norms, such as brightly coloured Chadors and crooked hijab, with hair showing. An interview with a young Iranian women explains the nature of bad hejabi; Because of these (conservativ e) people and their aggressive thinking, I believe I am vulnerable to attack if I dont wear the hijab. If I was living in a place where people could respect individual choice and not do me any harm, certainly I wouldnt wear it. I want to show I dont approve. Wearing bad-hejabi proves the desire felt by many young Iranian women to be free of their restricting patriarchal establishment and the religious control that they feel has no place in their lives. Contrary to bad-hejabi are the traditional women who see wearing Islamic dress as a matter of pride and representation of their religious society. Women that are pro-Islamic Republic believe that the laws surrounding women were based around the teachings of Mohammed in the Koran. Questioning these laws would be questioning the foundations upon which many Iranian women live their life. The female Professor Barzin Maknoun in charge of woman issues at the Institute for Cultural Research and Studies states in Iran; The problems have come up because women in the west are trying to be the same as men. Women work outside the home, but they also have to take care of the children, because by nature shes the one who bears the children. The whole burden rests on women now, because theyre trying to be equal to men. But Islam says no to all this. Islam says the best thing for a woman is to be a wife and mother. That doesnt stop her having a job or a profession- she can do that if her husband agre es, but her first job is to take care of her children. And its the job of the man to take care of her. Professor Maknoun represents the views held by many conservative Iranian women. However, the Islamic Republics attitude toward women seems to contradict the rights for women stated in Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The point of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was to ensure that every persons dignity was upheld worldwide. In relation to this view, many scholars of gender are mostly working in the west and there seems to be more interest in pro-feminism in academic circles. Pro feminist studies include Rebecca Barlows article, prospects for feminism in the Islamic Republic of Iran, or from a analysis point of view similar to Mahnaz Koushas article, predictors of life satisfaction among urban Iranian Women and Mitra K Shavarinis article, the feminisation of Iranian Higher Education which deals with overall unhappiness and dissatisfaction of Iranian women. This research indicates an interest in the feminisation and oppression of Iranian women and less interest on the Islamic Republic as a legitimate form of government. Professor Marknoun was the on ly pro- Islamic Republic scholar found. In conclusion many urban Iranian women feel restricted by the hijab and chador due to the oppressive society they represent. Although there are circles of traditional women who view these forms of dress as a symbol of honour and family, wearing the hijab and chador, was originally a personal choice. However, this was before the Islamic Republic made many religious traditions into law upon the conclusion of the Iranian Revolution. A study of Iranian women pre and post Iranian revolution shows that the progressive education of women has contributed to the urban dissatisfaction of a Womens place in Iranian Society and that many scholars of Iranian Women take pro feminist angles.

Counterinsurgency in WWII and Vietnam

The counterinsurgencies in World War Two and Vietnam are strikingly different precisely because the insurgencies they fought were different. Every insurgency is unique. Some feel that an insurgency carries advantages that make it inherently unbeatable. Because the superior force is rarely prepared for an insurgency they are at a disadvantage from day one. The primary lesson learned from the experiences of World War Two and Vietnam is that counterinsurgency must entail more than just the deployment of superior military forces. An insurgency is not unbeatable.For a counterinsurgency campaign to be successful a carefully devised comprehensive strategy that integrates military, political and humanitarian goals must be devised. Insurgency and Counterinsurgency Defined Insurgency is a broadly defined term. An insurgency can take many forms. Generally speaking, it is an uprising of a smaller, weaker military and political force against the force that occupies power. Because insurgents are a lmost always outnumbered and lack military equipment, they fight a guerrilla-type war. Their goal is not to defeat the opposing force militarily, but instead to erode it while inflicting as many losses as possible.Insurgents often look for â€Å"soft targets† to attack rather than facing the enemy head-on. The ultimate goal is to fight a low intensity war that drains the opposing side of resources and public support. Robert Smith, in The Utility of Force, describes a common process through which insurgencies begin. First, one political wing separates from a larger party. After arming itself, this wing initiates a low intensity conflict against a larger power. Over time, the larger force is persuaded to cut its losses and withdraw. The insurgent party then goes about establishing a dominant force of its own (Smith, 2007).This cycle is evident in the 1980s insurgency of the Afghans against the Soviet Union and the eventual emergence of the Taliban. In recent years, the term â⠂¬Å"insurgency† has also been used to describe any conflict in which groups of foreign fighters enter a country to oppose a larger force. In either case the tactics of insurgency are similar. Counterinsurgency, in turn, is more than just military opposition to the insurgent force. Broadly defined, Counterinsurgency is the attempt by a political power or occupying force to tamp down rebellion.In the late 20th and early 21st century the effectiveness of insurgent tactics has been rediscovered. Media and technological advances have been integrated effectively and, as a result, insurgencies have become more complex. In response, counterinsurgency tactics have been revised and modernized. It is generally recognized that a more comprehensive military, political, economic and cultural effort is now required. Between World War Two and the present day, the nature and scope of counterinsurgency programs changed dramatically. The Vietnam conflict represented a halfway point in that evolu tionary process.The learning curve has been irregular, though. As each new insurgency surfaces new lessons must be learned and old lessons re-learned. World War Two: The emergence of modern insurgency and counterinsurgency Insurgency and counterinsurgency are not terms typically used in relation to World War Two. The seeds for the modern usage of both were sown during this era, however. The French resistance is sometimes described as an insurgent campaign. The tactics used by the Germans to counter this insurgency were brutal but ultimately ineffective.In fact, the French Resistance is credited with â€Å"coordinating sabotages and other actions which contributed to the success of Operation Overlord† (Smith, 2007). Allied forces even then were aware of the need to work with assets of â€Å"various political colors† (Smith, 2007). In working with insurgents in the early years of the war the Allies gained some knowledge about how to defeat an insurgency. This knowledge, in part, would be capitalized on at the end of World War Two and twenty years later in Vietnam. Meanwhile, the Germans faced a second insurgency from the Soviet Partisans.These were pro-communist Soviets most active in the border regions between Germany and the U. S. S. R. Like in the French resistance, these fighters sabotaged and harassed any vulnerable areas of the German occupiers they could find. Unlike in France, the Germans were never able to install a puppet regime to help them quell the population. The German counterinsurgency strategy was to stamp out any resistance as quickly as possible. The Germans and the Partisans for that matter executed thousands of civilians in this region. Counterinsurgency tactics in World War Two were somewhat primitive.Primarily, the goal was to use overwhelming military force before installing a puppet government favorable to the more powerful force. Terror was the tool for holding on to that power. Tactical reviews after the war provided some valuable information, but were also tainted by the political atmosphere of the day. For example, U. S. reports may have overemphasized the effect of partisans terrorizing the local population into supporting them. The effect of the terror caused by German counterinsurgency forces and other possible ideological reasons for local support were not studied fully enough.In the waning days of the war, remnants of the Nazi SS launched an insurgency of their own. Initial public support kept the insurgency afloat for nearly two years as various sabotages and political assassinations harassed the occupying forces. Eventually â€Å"Operation Werewolf† was defeated when the German public became assured that the Allies were committed to rebuilding their nation, through such programs as the Marshall Plan. This stands in sharp contrast to the terroristic methods of counterinsurgency that had been employed in earlier years.While not specifically part of the counterinsurgency program, media control assisted the allies in a way it would not during Vietnam. The greater threat posed to the American nation itself during World War Two led the public to accept tight military control of what was released through newspapers or other media. The media blackout was perhaps more successful for the Germans. Since the German public heard little or no negative news from the front, the Partisans and The French Resistance were never able to erode support for the war within Germany.In this sense, a totalitarian state with vast resources and complete media control has a certain advantage in counterinsurgency over free nations. When World War Two was over, the template of a successful insurgency had been advanced farther than that if a successful counterinsurgency. In the words of U. S. General Robert Smith: By the end of the Second World War, the defining characteristics of the antithesis of industrial war had been established, as a combination of basic guerilla and revolutionary warfare . (Smith, 2007) None the less, Allied knowledge increased from having been on both sides of irregular conflicts.Allied forces would put much of what they had learned about counterinsurgency into action during Vietnam. As always, some lessons had to be re-learned under difficult circumstances. Vietnam: Hard Lessons Researchers are still debating the effectiveness of the counterinsurgency effort in Vietnam. There is no doubt that operations such as â€Å"Market Time† and â€Å"Phoenix† were more sophisticated than any such efforts in World War Two. Militarily, they were at least partially successful. Efforts such as these combined elements of Allied experiences with what they had learned by studying German methods during World War Two.The military began to create â€Å"strategic hamlets† throughout South Vietnam. In order to do so, though, entire villages of civilians would often be relocated. Air assets also sprayed chemical agents on large tracts of farmland gro wing crops that could be used to help the North Vietnamese. In some cases, large numbers of civilians only suspected of collaborating with the communists were killed. Ironically, at the same time a humanitarian effort was established. USAID personnel, who had 6 months of language immersion and training in nation building, spearheaded the effort.The Military Assistance Command for Vietnam also worked with the National Revolutionary Development Plan to help Vietnamese victims of the war. Even when pacification efforts within Vietnam itself were going well, the insurgents were winning the media war. The Tet offensive was a military defeat for the communists. After Tet â€Å"the flagging rural pacification program picked up momentum†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Chant, 1990). Despite its military success, the counterinsurgency failed in two critical ways. The Vietnamese Communists fought the â€Å"hearts and minds† battle better, giving the peasants promises that had real meaning to them.For i nstance; the communists promised land loans and lower taxes to peasants (Alexander, 2002). The coalition could never establish a trust relationship with the majority of the population. When Congress cut off funds and recommended that â€Å"ground forces should not be committed† the mistrust of the Vietnamese was confirmed (Chant, 1990). In Vietnam, the media was on the front lines of war as never before. Initially the Allies believed that this would be a showcase for the military and would help maintain support for the war. By the end of the war, the insurgents had turned this factor completely in their favor.The North Vietnamese capitalized on American broadcasts and broadcasts of their own, essentially communicating directly to the American people that the war was unwinnable. They rightly assumed that the American media could play a significant role in eroding public support for the war. When the American military tried to exert greater control over the media, distrust and opposition to the war only increased. Analysis and Conclusion Contrary to popular belief, insurgencies have a long track record of success. In fact; â€Å"irregular or guerrilla warfare is, in fact, the most successful form of conflict† (Alexander, 2002).It is the repeated failure of major powers to recognize this and anticipate it that itself are the major reasons for insurgent success. In World War Two, insurgencies were relatively contained. In Vietnam and in the 21st century they are not. They are sophisticated multinational operations in which the insurgents sometimes cannot even be identified. World War Two and Vietnam are evidence that insurgency can take many different forms. The overall lesson, however, is the same. The degree of success for a counterinsurgency is directly related to the degree the insurgency was anticipated and planned for.Another clear lesson is that a counterinsurgency employing only military means is destined to fail. The experiences in World War Two and Vietnam do give some clues as to how to deal with the insurgency in Iraq. A comprehensive strategy must be developed that separates the insurgents from those who support them. Then an effective intelligence network with ample numbers of human assets must be developed and maintained. As shown in Iraq the lessons of prior wars are forgotten and must be re-learned. For example, when insurgents were driven out of a town coalition forces would often leave that area undefended.It was not until at least three years into the war that coalition forces began to use the â€Å"take and hold† method used in Vietnam more than three decades earlier. The ability to defeat insurgencies in the future depends upon learning and capitalizing on lessons such as these. The first step to defeating an insurgency is to expect one. The second step is to plan a counterinsurgency. Beyond these simple steps the process is incredibly complex and there are no hard and fast rules. Sources Alexander, Bevin. (2002). How Wars are Won: the 13 rules of war from ancient Greece to the War on Terror. New York: Crown Publishers.Chant, Christopher. (1990). The Military History of the United States (Vol. 13). New York: Marshall Cavendish. Markel, Wade. (2006). â€Å"Draining the Swamp: The British Strategy of Population Control†. Parameters. Retrieved 1/7/2008 from: http://www. carlisle. army. mil/usawc/Parameters/06spring/markel. htm . McClintock, Michael. (2002). â€Å"U. S. Guerrilla Warfare, Counterinsurgency and Counterterrorism, 1940-1990†. Instruments of Statecraft. Retrieved 1/7/2008 from: http://www. statecraft. org/chapter3. html . Smith, Robert. (2007). The Utility of Force: the art of war in the modern world. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Media Violence And Violent Video Games - 807 Words

Media violence has been tremendously growing and attaining the hazardous extents. Two-thirds of TV shows contain some kind of violence. Most self-involving video games contain some violent matter in it. For example, if you manufacture guns, you do not need to give any advertisement, because it is done by the amusement industry. Aggressive behavior, desensitization to violence, hallucinations, and fear of being mishandled were caused by the media violence, was explained in a 2009 Policy Statement on Media Violence, by the American Academy of Pediatrics. The increase in aggressive behavior happens by watching violent video shows on TV, and by playing violent video games. The researchers found that boys and girls who played a lot of violent video games changed over the school year. Media violence is not likely to convert the children into a violent criminal. But, someday by just smoking a cigarette can increase the likelihood of a lung cancer. Likewise, a violent show can increase the likelihood of behaving in an aggressive way. Psychologists Brad Bushman and L. Rowell Huesmann1(p248) There are many reasons to be worried about the level of violence in the society, it is clearly simplistic and confusing to hold that the major cause for delinquency and violent crime rate might be the violent themes in movies, music, comic books or television. (Media effects and society by Elizabeth M. Perse) It is about more than 50 years of research shows that, media influence on child andShow MoreRelatedMedia s Influence On The Youth Of America1454 Words   |  6 PagesMedia in the United States has a prominent role on the youth of America. A majority of children and young adults have access to internet, television, radio, newspapers, and video games practically any time they want. The violence in media, along with the availability of media are increasing, however the most predominant form of media for children is video games. Because of this, many are concerned with the effects on the youth. The violence in video games is a cause for aggressive emotions, thoughtsRead More Violent media Images and video games results in violent behavior890 Words   |  4 Pages Violent Media Images and Video Games Results In Violent Behavior Can violent media images and video games result in violent behavior? The answer is yes. For a few decades now hundreds of researchers have take time to research the relationship of media images and video games to violent behavior in children. In the next few paragraphs I will discuss why media images and video games result in violent behavior in children. This paper will also provide some important factors that adults shouldRead MoreSeparating Violence : Reality And Video Games1368 Words   |  6 PagesJonathan Weinberger 9/22/2014 Separating Violence in Reality and Video Games Children play. The manner in which children have played has frequently changed throughout the years. 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Many researchers believe that the use of violent media, particularly video games, play a huge role in the downward trend of behavior and attitude of youth, and that this behavior continues to spiral out of control. However, other researchers believe that since violence has been occurring since the beginning of time, that adolescence are as capable today of violence, as they were a thousand years ago. ResearchRead MoreMultimedia Violence : A Grave Threat Of Teens Of The New Generation. Craig A. Anderson1585 Words   |  7 PagesMultimedia Violence : A Grave Threat to Teens of the New Generation Craig A. Anderson, an eminent director of the Center for the Study of Violence at Iowa State University, commented on multimedia violence saying, â€Å"Exposing children and adolescents (or ‘youth’) to violent visual media increases the likelihood that they will engage in physical aggression against another person. By ‘physical aggression’ we mean behavior that is intended to harm another person physically, such as hitting with a fistRead MoreDoes Violent Video Games Cause Violent Behavior?1274 Words   |  6 Pages Does Violent Video Games Cause Agressive Behavior in Teens? Ryan Bia Arizona State University Abstract Violence is ubiquitous in today’s modern society and we are constantly exposed to it through the media, movies and through video games. It is not uncommon to go visit a home in the United States and find a video game console in the home along with mature video games. Video games started off just as entertainment that had meager violence but as time progressed the graphics have improved and

Child Labor Childhood, Emotional, And Spiritual...

Child labor can cause children to have mental, emotional, and spiritual development for the children. In 2012, 44.6 million children of Asia are working at factories at the age of 5-17. At the same year, 11.6 percent of the children from China were in child labor at ages 10-14. Child labor affects the child’s education, which will cause them to be uneducated which will also affect their future. Some of the children in child labor might even die because they do not get enough sleep and does not get full each meal because of dangerous working conditions. Some children wake up early to work but does not stop working until very late at night. Children do not get the pay they deserve even when they are very poor and needs these money for their family. Many children are in child labor because their families are poor and can not afford for them to go to school, which will affect their education and also their future. Most of the children who are in child labor live on the countryside , which is poor. Families in the countryside do not have enough money to pay for health care or might not have enough money to raise a child. Many families in this situation would choose to sell their children to factories or to work as slaves. After the child is sold, the family members will not know how much pain the child is in. If the child did not listen to the owner, the child would get punished, either whipped or be beaten hardly with a shovel. Children who were in child labor lived in a small,Show MoreRelatedChild Labor : Childhood, Emotional, And Spiritual Development For Children3105 Words   |  13 PagesChild labor can cause children to have mental, emotional, and spiritual development for the children. In 2012, 44.6 million children of Asia are working at factories at the age of 5-17. At the same year, 11.6 percent of the children from China were in child labor at ages 10-14. 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Most have never been to school or dropped out at very youngages.despite of the fact that 9% of the world’s children live in India. 42% of India’s total population are aged below eighteen.India is home to almost 19 percent of the world’s children,child protection has remained largely unaddressed. In manyRead MoreThe Median Household Income2085 Words   |  9 PagesManagement and Budget, â€Å"using the consumer price index, the average income for poverty for a family of four was $23,492† (www.CongressionalDigest.com 13). In 2012, 21.8% of children under the age of eighteen lived in poverty, (16.1 million) (www.CongressionalDigest.com 13). â€Å"The U.S recession has pushed the number of poor children to the highest level since 1994† (Duncan, Kalil, and Ziol-Guest 28). A small segment of the population of top earners are doing far better than they ever had before whileRead MoreResponsible Parenthood2167 Words   |  9 Pagesaspiration of the family and children. 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